Melisa Rivière, Ph.D. Candidate

Ph.D Committee
Primary advisor: Frank Miller (Anthropology; Emeritus)
Committee members: Karen Ho (Anthropology), David Valentine (Anthropology) & August Nimtz (Political Science)

Department of Anthropology // University of Minnesota

  Why are American anti-authoritative social and cultural movements globally adopted? What social conditions, technologies, and political frameworks facilitate their worldwide diffusion? Are popular culture forms of rebellion within the United States utilized as a form of Westernization abroad? In turn, once appropriated by youth in foreign countries, are they used as tools of social change, even against Americanization?

My research utilizes the comparative method of contrast to analyze the diffusion of hip-hop into Cuba and Puerto Rico. The primary focus of the study is to create and record original works with local hip-hop artists on-site in each location, then juxtapose these recordings into a dialogue between artists who never physically meet - their contact is solely through the music and its production. Thus far the Ph.D. research has generated three collaborative tracks, "Son Dos Alas' by Anónimo Consejo featuring Tego Calderón, "Guasabara" by SieteNueve featuring Magia López of the rap duo Obsesión, and "Sin Permiso" by Los Aldeanos & Intifada. The research paradigm is to pick out key elements that stand out in the process of these creations that guide us to a better understandong of how cultural diffusion occurs through music as a tool for identification and communication within the process of creating social change.

Hip-hop emerged from the race and class rebellions during the New York City fiscal crises of the 1970’s developing into four distinct elements - break dancing, rap, turntablism, and graffiti art (Austin 2001). Urban decay and development initiatives increased low-income populations, particularly African-American and Puerto Rican communities, leaving them with few employment prospects and economic instability (Chang 2005). Hip-hop flourished under these grim conditions as a vibrant expression of youthful exuberance used to overcome repression, marginality, discrimination and hardship. As explained later, Cuba and Puerto Rico make excellent test sites for this research because of their similar post-colonial histories yet distinctly polarized relationships to the Unites States, the birthplace of hip-hop.

I have selected Cuba and Puerto Rico as test sites for this fieldwork because both islands share a common post-colonial history yet currently hold polarized relationships with the U.S. In the case of Cuba, the U.S. embargo is older than hip-hop, offering a case of complete exclusion from direct influences. Hip-hop seeped into Cuba through third countries and pirate radio. In contrast, Puerto Rico is a U.S. territory, and thereby intimately linked to American art movements, youth genres, production resources, and market interests. This is facilitated by the liberal U.S. migratory and capital transfer policies in place since 1898. The consequences of nearly complete inclusion are reinforced when we consider the roles Puerto Ricans had along side African Americans in the creation of hip-hop during its inception in New York City (Flores 2001, Rivera 2002). Today both sites are currently undergoing critical shifts in their political and economic formation. Cuba is undergoing radical transformation with the succession of Castro’s leadership (Smets 2006). With the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991 Cuba was forced to insert itself into global capitalism with still unfolding social and economic consequences, not the least of which is economic inequalities, often along the lines of race (Riviere 2006b). In Puerto Rico, the regression of US military bases from the island has empowered the struggle for independence (Ayala and Carro-Figueroa 2006). In both cases, hip-hop has been an essential voice and leader in describing, analyzing and critiquing developments.

The title of the dissertation, “Son Dos Alas” is derived from two significant historical influences in the fieldwork sites. First taken from the poem by Lola Rodríguez de Tió (1848-1924) called “Cuba y Puerto Rico.” The poem reads “Cuba y Puerto Rico Son / De un pajaro las dos alas, / Reciben flores o balas / Sobre un mismo corazón” (translated as: Cuba and Puerto Rico are / Two wings of one bird / They receive flowers or bullets / Upon the same heart). Like this piece, much of Rodríguez de Tió ‘s poetry was a feminist revolutionary critique of Spanish colonial rule. After the U.S. appropriation of Puerto Rico in the Spanish-American war, Rodríguez de Tió fled to Cuba to avoid political persecution (Toledo 2002). Rodríguez de Tió ‘s political and literary work offers a historical and metaphorical blue print for this research. A second implication derived from “Son” is demonstrative of the ethno-musical relationship between both field sites. The musical genre of Son, brought from Spanish colonial rule is a mixture of Spanish guitar mixed with percussion. Both islands developed their own colonial derivates of Son such as the Montuno, Guaracha and Guajira. The Puerto Rican and Cuban wave of migration to the U.S. in 1952 (when Puerto Rico becomes a commonwealth) and 1959 (with the triumph of the Cuban Revolution) united musicians from both islands leading to the development of the Salsa musical genre based on the variations of the Son. Due to Cuba and Puerto Rico’s currently polarized relationship to the U.S. and their post-embargo isolation, salsa is the last musical genre in which artists from both field sites composed music collaboratively (Manual, et. al. 2006).

My primary hypothesis is that the diffusion of hip-hop relies on racial and class solidarities. These solidarities have allowed for Cuban and Puerto Rican youths to utilize hip-hop, a form of US anti-authoritative rebellion, as a tool for social change. I analyze the diffusion of hip-hop onto these two islands as a multilateral relationship between (a) individuals, (b) images and (c) market agents. In the case of Cuba, where hip-hop experiences no points of sale, the role of government and government agencies is transposed into a similar role as market agents, This last category also takes into consideration the influence of informal or ‘black’ markets. in Puerto Rico and that of non-institutionalized artists in Cuba. Take for example the range of artists included in this study, Anónimo Consejo and Obsesion, are members of the Cuban Agency for Rap, where as Los Aldeanos are not - nor would they attain to be. Then take from Puerto Rico the divisions in marketed succes between Luis Diaz, SieteNueve and Tego Calderón.

What factors make the reproduction of anti-systemic resistance movements authentic? The term “keeping it real” is practically a mantra for hip-hop practitioners exhorting individuals to stand up for what they believe in and not pretend to be, or go along with, something they are not (Cutler 2003). The proliferation and proclamation of authenticity is a social construct that entails a tangible acknowledgment by audiences and colleagues (Golomb 1995). Central to the diffusion model is to determine what components justify authentic replication of hip-hop within the social sphere of cohorts. What other variables aside from the core elements influence these interpretations of authenticity such as fashion or lifestyle. Marginalized youths in Cuba produce their ‘most authentic’ hip-hop in order to rebel against systemic authorities, reinterpreting hip-hop as a tool for defining national identity (Fernandes 2003). We see a similar case in Lusane’s (2004) and Condry's (2008) fieldwork on global hip-hop where they demonstrate how Japanese youth dress and carry themselves identical to American rap artists, while making lyrical tributes to victims of U.S atomic bomb attacks. This research proves to demonstrate how the reproduction of authenticity is correlated to the anti-systemic agenda inherent in hip-hop. The timeline between replication, assimilartion and appropriation are essential variables in the outcomes of this fieldwork.

This research has the potential to greatly contribute to the concept of cultural diffusion with the intention of focusing on the relationship between bound models of social movements and their local manifestations (Touraine 1983). Hip-hop today transcends national borders, yet despite its local appropriations and hybridizations, it continues to transmit significant universal messages containing global themes of state rebellion, racial marginalization, gendered discrimination, and class struggles. When anthropologists consider social movements, often times we overlook the capacity of cultural, artistic and musical influences in identifying key themes and players in social change (Gerlach 1970). This theoretical challenge can best be comprehended by identifying the practical and particular roles of individuals, gender, age, race, and class. Most ethnographic case studies of less academically accessible social groups often lack specificity and documentation of everyday particularities as they relate to trends in social change (Bourgois 1995). By looking at these particulars the research aims to look beyond the one-way models of diffusion in order to better understand transmission and acquisition as a multi-directional development of social, political, and economic constructs that take on the form of hip-hop as a communicative means. This research presents the specificities of the production, publication and later consumption and/or appropriation by audiences of each musical track, in order to outline the phases by which diffusion occurs.

The historical diffusion model derived from Boas’ (1940) classical foundational work, that cultural elements do not exist in bound units, proposes a blueprint for contemporary inquiry. The boundaries assumed to be created by nations, cultures, language, and race are not boundaries at all, yet they construct a defined community (Anderson 1991). This dissertation research offers a categorization of diffusion avenues reminiscent of Appadurai’s (1996) theoretical base for global flows within modernity consisting of ethnoscapes (individuals), mediascapes (images) and financescapes (market). This grouping allows me to further develop concepts of image transference, migration and financial nodes of diffusion as suggested by Sassen (2001). Rouse’s (2002) work on bi-locality and new national identities is very useful in conceptualizing the relationship of manifestations of hip-hop with respect to its birthplace of New York City. Application of Rouse’s model of dual cultural identity and its subsequent potential flows is expanded upon with respect to the role hip-hop played within small pockets of global cities. As Rouse proposes, these pockets are in themselves localized manifestations of globalization that experience the transference of individuals, images and finances between (1) their respective nations and (2) concurrently existing pockets in similar respective urban centers. Lastly I draw upon the work of Levitt (2001), Small (1997), and other regional ethnographies of globalization in order to focus on the global dynamics of those who never migrate to best critique the one-way models.

This research utilizes the diffusion of the four-element hip-hop model which tends to be viewed as being composed of equivalent parts that are held together by shared values, symbols, and systems of exchanges (Durkheim 1933). Haeger (1984) first proposed hip-hop as an urban resistance movement originating in the Bronx, New York. This early work is drawn upon by the innovative research of Rose (1994), Perkins (1996) and later Austin (2001). These contemporary academic circles demonstrate the process by which the rebellious nature of hip-hop was absorbed in the mid 1980’s by mainstream America and reproduced as a safe, clean and manageable urban counter-culture (Ahearn, Charlie 1982; Chalfant, Henry and Silver, Tony 1983; Lathan, Stan 1984; McGuigan, Athleen, et. al 1984). Yet the graphic underlying commentaries of racial prejudice, police brutality, domestic violence, and anti-apartheid struggles (NWA 1988; Public Enemy 1987; AUAA 1985) led to a legal stronghold on hip-hop (Luke Records v. Navarro 1992, Davidson, Bill V. Time Warner, Inc., et. al. 1992). The national racial explosions marked by the Los Angeles Riots were clearly predicted in the content of censored rap lyrics (Kahan 1993, Rose 1994). Austin’s (2001) inquiry into the New York City fiscal crises that spawned graffiti art in the subway trains takes an in-depth look at the ‘war’ between graffiti artists and Metro Transit authorities, offering insight into how this visual component of hip-hop calculated tensions over property rights and urban ‘aesthetics of fear’ amongst city dwellers. More recently Chang’s (2005) analysis stems from an alternative hip-hop philosophy of cause-and-effect between the four-elements, rather than isolating them, that exponentially absorbs and creates new categories of insurgence that molds with contemporary national trends.

The recent Cuba Commission Report by Secretary of State Condoleeza Rice (2006) makes reference to a marginalized group of Afro-Cuban males under 35 who are under-represented in leadership positions. Fernandes’ (2003) fieldwork with Cuban rappers acknowledges this social layer as the primary producers of hip-hop. She further demonstrates how Cuban hip-hop lyrics critique yet offer solutions for the transition the Revolution must endure. In Puerto Rico the island-wide seizure of ‘underground’ Spanish rap, also known as reggaespañol, from stores in the early 1990’s silenced a brewing genre of reggaeton forewarning localized issues of gang violence, drug trafficking and misogyny (González Acosta 2002, Rivera 2008).

Interviews are conducted in Spanish and English with members of the hip-hop communities of each island. These consist of three phases. Initial interviews consist of guided dialogues and discussions, sometimes one-on-one and other times in small circles of interviewees. The second phase entails recorded interviews that are formally oriented by a question and answer format. The third method, unique to this fieldwork, is to request artists respond ‘on their own terms’ to the research themes by constructing responses through the hip-hop elements (rap, visual art, musical compositions, and dance routines). These are recorded using vocal soundtracks and video documentation. For the purpose of refininf this research - I have solely concentraated on the responses manifested through the element of rap.

Life histories are collected as generated through interviews. I pay equal attention to the content of historical narratives as well as their organization and the inclusion of key phrases and speech mannerisms that offer definitions of the self and society. Life histories, unlike other forms of oral history allows interviewees to re-experience themselves and key moments, most of the time in a spontaneous and unrehearsed fashion. The research pays specific attention to how memory organizes sequences by placing situations within a timeline and measure important situations when they appear congruently in different interviews.

I observe two types of human behavior through participant/observation, these are amongst individual actors and social gatherings. Between individuals I pay close attention to speech patterns (code switching), dynamics of support networks, references to colleagues, commentary about political agendas, dialogue towards or about genre leaders, and gendered interactions. Body language and informal social interaction are analyzed as appropriate. In public forums, I pay particular attention to interaction amongst racial groups and their regional or class allegiances. Presentation of the self within the social context is analyzed with respect to fashion, gender, physique, and other forms of non-verbal communication.

Analysis of musical compositions, lyrics, body language of performers, and the reactions by their audiences is essential to understanding hip-hop’s influence and leadership initiative between artists and audiences. Forms of idealization and cultures of personality amongst hip-hop artists allow me to compare the real person with their romanticized image. I observe instrumental and musical production methods as these vary according to the access of technological advancements. For example in Cuba, due to the lack of record needles, a microphone wrapped in a wet sponge is rubbed against a mirror to replicate the sound of scratching a record, yielding an ‘authentic’ sound.

Magazines, journals, images, newspaper reports, film, radio and television archives supplement the primary data. I pay attention to music publishing agencies, corporate labels, and government initiatives. Bureaucratic processes necessary to acquire performance permits, publish compositions, broadcast recordings, and secure venues will be indicative of state and mass media support in Cuba and Puerto Rico respectively.

As an integral part of this unique fieldwork, video and audio recordings are used not only as a form of archiving, documenting and disseminating data but they become in and of themselves a methodology. By allowing artists to interpret and respond to the research questions through visual art, lyrics, dance performance, and musicality (hip-hop), I create a space for them to dialogue with each other through the research process. This proposes my participatory role as that of ‘ethnographic producer.’ This unique method allows my participation to create a guided arrangement for observation. Media as a methodology for documentation, collaboration and representation offers a new form of self-criticism and immediate evaluation typical of classical anthropological research. Media also allows for power dynamics between subject and research to diminish. Later, in the dissemination and publication phase, as complementary to the standard dissertation format, video and music have the capacity to reach younger as well as non-academic audiences.

This fieldwork intends to show a direct correlation between the diffusion of United States’ anti-systemic rebellious social movements and their appropriation abroad. Further data about hip-hop as a means for social change and national transformation in each location and the production of community leaders will contribute to global hip-hop scholarship. The innovative method of utilizing audio-visual production as a process of participant/observation as well as to collect and later analyze, disseminate, and re-aliment data will propose to the discipline of anthropology a new methodological approach.

The methodology I propose aspires to update traditional forms of anthropological research to suit current multidisciplinary expectations. As complementary to the standard interview format I propose to develop the role of ‘ethnographic producer’ as one that manages and engineers the creative expressions addressed by subjects. This process nurtures and stimulates the creativity of the subjects, and offers them an integral and autonomous role within the dissertation. In this role I introduce concepts to subjects by proposing research themes that they can internalize, interpret and channel artistically. Production as a methodological approach places both investigator and subject on equal grounds, while the research itself becomes a tool of diffusion.

“Son Dos Alas: The Diffusion of Hip-Hop in Cuba and Puerto Rico”
Melisa Rivière, Ph.D. Candidate
Department of Anthropology // University of Minnesota