Jessie Witte
Essay #2: The New Revolution of Rap and the Law
The Law:
Love to Hate It
ÒÉGangsta rap (an often cartoonish portrayal of black
masculinity,
ghetto realism and gangster sensibilities)
became one of the most popular genres of hip-hopÓ (Neal,
376).
By the end of the 80s there was a shift in the production of hip hop music. A new genre was appearing on the scene and it was called gangsta rap. This new kind of music came from the Los Angeles area, usually Compton and Watts, which were two cities Òparalyzed by the postindustrial economic redistributionÓ that Ònarrates experiences and fantasies specific to life as a poor young, black, male subject in Los AngelesÓ (Rose, 59). Ice-T was one of the main people to define what is called gangsta rap. ÒIce-T put the Los Angeles gangsta rap style on the national map, which encouraged the emergence of NWAÉ..and othersÓ (Rose, 4). The more controversial songs these two artists/groups made were ÒF**k Tha PoliceÓ by NWA and ÒCop KillerÓ by Ice-T. NWAÕs song was released earlier than that of Ice-T, three years earlier. However, both of these songs are prime examples of the ÒdangersÓ of gangsta rap and the controversy that followed these and other gangsta rap songs/artists. These two songs show the conflict of young black males and legal authority which represents the underlying fear of African-Americans that sprout from a long history. In order to fully analyze these songs one has to look at the discourse that hip-hop has created and how gangsta rap has furthered this. It is also important to take a look at how this new style was commodified and undermined. Last but not least it is important to review the fear of rap and how censorship was taken too far.
NWA came out with their song ÒF**k Tha PoliceÓ in 1988. They constantly rap about racial profiling, including lyrics such as: Òsearchin my car, lookin for the product, thinking every nigga is sellin narcoticsÓ and Òyoung nigga got it bad cuz IÕm brown and not the other color so police think they have the authority to kill a minority.Ó These lyrics depict the struggle these young men are facing in their neighborhoods in and around Los Angeles. They also rap about the struggle of Òkeeping the black man downÓ by saying ÒyouÕd rather see me in the pen then me and Lorenzo rollin in the Benzo.Ó It doesnÕt matter if a young black male is making a life for himself and not struggling in poverty, it can make him look even more suspicious. They depict police brutality and unfair justice by rapping ÒtheyÕre scared of a nigga so they mace me to blind me.Ó They both value and devalue the institution of law. They rap Òreading my rights and shit, itÕs all junkÓ but at the same time the whole premise of this song is set up in a courtroom in which the police is found guilty Òof bein a redneck, whitebread, chickenshit muthafucka.Ó They are waving Òa defiant middle finger in the face of racist and oppressive social institutionsÓ (Watts, 597). Ice Cube explains later that the song had to be narrowed down to the police because the police are the government in the ghetto (Watts, 597). Ice-TÕs ÒCop KillerÓ was being played in 1991 but the first recorded version wasnÕt released till 1992. This song blatantly addresses police brutality; ÒIÕm a Cop killer, f**k police brutality!Ó It also deals with racial profiling just as NWAÕs song and just like most of the gangsta rap style songs. It is also a shout out and tribute to what killing police stands for; like his dead homies, freedom, having courage and Rodney King.
The postindustrial life that gangsta rap emerged from in the Los Angeles era that bred these two groups/artists is Òa distinct discourse of African-American youth, with obvious regional variations, emerged to narrate, critique, challenge, and deconstruct the realitiesÓ in which they grew up (Neal, 370). ÒHip-hop music and culture represented such a discourseÓ (Ibid). These were not just songs but a culture and a discourse for black youth, usually males. These males in the beginning, the 70s, were using this Òdiscourse across a fractured and dislocated national communityÓ (Neal, 371). This is what added so much strength to hip-hop and it not just being a fad. In the beginning this discourse was used in a way Òto counter the iconography of fear, menace and spectacle that dominatedÓ the mediaÕs portrayal of black life (Neal, 372). Hip-hop also served Òas a conduit for political discourseÓ (Neal, 374). Though gangsta rap doesnÕt follow the earlier footsteps of hip-hop, in that it doesnÕt counter these images of black people to be feared or seen as a menace, they still used Òblack rage as a political discourseÓ that proved attractive to youths (Ibid). Chuck D of another gangsta rap group, Public Enemy, sees Òhip-hop as an alternative medium for black youthÉ.to access political and social realityÓ (Neal, 375). This sort of background into hip-hop sheds a light on the two songs this paper focuses on. Those two songs are definitely funneling black rage at the institution of law in this country as the focus of their political discourse.
Though these two songs have a background of strong discourse and they themselves display a strong political discourse against law enforcement, they still fail in other areas, such as internal issues of the black community. ÒThe fact that groupsÉ..were unable to critique the sexism inherent to much of the black political thought in the 1960s is particularly dishearteningÓ (Neal, 376). However, gangsta rap was known for hyping up black masculinity and the gangster sensibilities. Along with gangsta rap came notoriety of the artists which was Òa stimulus for its own commercializationÓ (Neal, 379). This notoriety boomed because of the music and videos, this new sub-genre was Òembraced by many young whites as a mode of social resistanceÓ (Ibid). Spike Lee took this idea and realized the potential and Òcommercial value of ghetto narrativesÓ which has made him a very successful man in the entertainment industry (Neal, 385). ÒUltimately, political hip-hop was undermined by hip-hopÕs own internal logic that often privileged constant stylistic innovationÓ (Neal, 376). This innovation led to gangsta rap which then got challenged by mainstream culture in a way that led to control over or the ÒpolicingÓ of hip-hop (Neal, 377).
The extensive popularity of hip-hop and gangsta rap especially, led to the policing and a need to control or censor it. This same concept of fear can be seen in the history of this country. This fear goes to historically rooted concerns Òabout the congregation of African-Americans in public spacesÓ (Neal, 378). LetÕs face it, most of the government positions and law enforcement are going to be white and historically this fear comes from these racial tensions and fears. This fear and concern escalated after World War II when black youth Òbegan to assert themselves socially, culturally, and politically and in the process publicly question various forms of social authority that countered their own desiresÓ (Neal, 378). ÒFear mongers project onto black men precisely what slavery, poverty, educational deprivation and discrimination have ensured that they do not have ÐÐ great power and influenceÓ (Glassner, 17). This is exactly what NWA confronts in their song, as I discussed earlier, of Òkeeping the black man down.Ó Media images portray young black males as poverty stricken and uneducated or even that Òevery young American male is a potential mass murdererÓ (Ibid). Then when black males are seen in a light that isnÕt poverty stricken, as successful it is seen as suspicious. These stereotypes
Òconstruct young African Americans as a dangerous internal element in urban American; an element that, if allowed to roam freely will threaten the social order; an element that must be policed. Since rap music is understood as the predominant symbolic voice of black urban males, it heightens this sense of threat and reinforces dominant white middle-class objections to urban black youths who do not aspire to (but are haunted by) white middle-class standardsÓ (Rose, 126).
The policing began and NWA was one of the first to be suspected with their song released in 1988. The FBI even got involved, taking a stand against the songs lyrics and even the group itself. This Òreflected an increasingly common trend to criminalize hip-hop artist, their audiences, and the music itselfÓ (Neal, 378).
But it all went a little too far, because by the late 1990s, the power of rap was being taken for granted, Òpeople could blame rappers for almost any violent or misogynistic act anywhereÓ (Glassner, 17). The gangsta rappers became so dangerous that they could easily be thrown in jail for their lyrics. After NWA released their song they received the FBI letter denouncing their lyrics and later met so much resistance while touring because police refused to run security for them. When these police refused to run security, insurance companies refused to cover the venues for NWAÕs performances, therefore promoters couldnÕt afford them or the risk. Due to this resistance because of the censorship of one song, in affect all their songs were being censored. When Ice-T released ÒCop KillerÓ the protests and threats began. The International Brotherhood of Police Officers (IBPO) Òclaimed that the song advocated the killing of government officers and therefore violated federal lawÓ and they stated their intent on charging their record company, Time Warner if any officer died where this record was sold (Kahan, 2597). Ice-T withdrew the song from his album, something that NWA never did, but still met with resistance from law enforcement just like NWA. Despite his actions, Time Warner a year later dropped him as an artist. These actions against rappers lead these big time companies and even the state of Texas Ònot to invest in companies that produce gangsta albumsÓ (Glassner, 17). But because the police took it so far and refused to be security for NWA because of just one song it can be argued that this one song lacks ÒFirst Amendment protection, the face remains the, without secure, willing venues, N.W.A. cannot perform any of its material, the vast bulk of which raises no constitutional issuesÓ (Kahan, 2603). You can see from the reactions to just these two songs that rap is Òpolitically vulnerableÓ and thus Òrequires protection as political speech in order to thriveÓ (Kahan, 2588). It is important to keep in mind that Òrap has been attacked by public officials and a stream of real and threatened litigation, although no one has established that the music has caused injuryÓ (Ibid).
The emergence of gangsta rap in the late 1980s came from a very specific place, Compton and Watts. These cities were struggling with the postindustrial economic redistribution and this fueled the emergence of a new sub-genre of life as a poor young, black male in those cities. Ice-T was practically the father of gangsta rap but his most controversial song, ÒCop Killer,Ó wasnÕt released till 1991 but it received threats, police resistance to his performances and ultimately being dropped from Time Warner. NWA released ÒF**k Tha PoliceÓ three years earlier and received a letter from the FBI that set off a chain of police to resist them at their concerts, and ultimately ended their tour. These two songs, though controversial, represent the conflict of young black males and the institution of law in all forms. However, this overall conflict is usually deduced down to the law enforcement level because that is what they deal with on a day to day basis. These songs address racial profiling, the fear of congregating African-Americans, police brutality, unfair justice and the denying and acceptance of the institution itself. These songs are a voice and though it is said that NWA may have lacked Òa cohesive ideologyÓ they still did an Òaccessible critique of poverty, economic exploitation, and police brutalityÓ (Neal, 376). These songs need and should be protected because they are representing a voice and that voice deserves to be heard.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Glassner, Barry. 2003. ÒRap Music and the Culture of Fear.Ó Entertainment and Sports Lawyer. Spring issue. Vol. 21, n. 1.
Kahan, Jeffrey, B. ÒBach, Beethoven and The (Home) Boys: Censoring Violent Rap
Music in America.Ó On Southern California Law Review, University of Southern California, Sept. 1993.
Neal, Mark Anthony. 2004. ÒPost-Industrial Soul: Black Music at the Crossroads.Ó In ThatÕs the Joint: The Hip-Hop Studies Reader. Forman, Murray and Neal, Mark Anthony [ed.]. Routledge: New York.
Rose, Tricia. 1999. Black Noise: Rap Music and Black Culture in Contemporary America. Connecticut: Wesleyan University.
Watts, Eric K. 2004. ÒAn Exploration of Spectacular Consumption: Gangsta Rap as Cultural Commodity.Ó In ThatÕs the Joint: The Hip-Hop Studies Reader. Forman, Murray and Neal, Mark Anthony [ed.]. Routledge: New York.