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Another major trend in newspapers is the increased concentration
of newspaper ownership by corporate conglomerates. For example,
the largest owner,
The Gannett Company owns 110 daily newspapers and 21
television stations. The second largest owner, Knight-Ridder
Digital, owns 31 daily newspapers as well as 83 local
and regional Web sites in 62 cities, including 20 of the top 30
U.S. markets. In 2002, ten companies owned newspapers with a distribution
of more than half of all readers (Staubhaar & LaRose, 2004).
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One danger in this increased concentration of ownership is the
decline of any competition for news within local markets. With the
drop in the number of different newspapers in a particular local
area, there is less demand on newspapers to have to compete. Moreover,
as newspapers and television stations own each other, they may combine
their operations, as is the case with the newspaper and television
station in Tampa, Florida. All of the results in a decline in the
number and nature of alternative cultural and political perspectives,
as local owners are more beholden to absent corporate owners to
avoid controversy that might jeopardize profits. |
This increased concentration is a result of the further deregulation
of ownership rules passed under the 1996 Communications Act by Congress,
as well as efforts by the FCC in 2003 to further relax the number
of newspapers and stations that could be owned by the same owner.
The current rules prevent one network from owning another network,
limit the number of stations owned by one owner, prohibit owning
both a local cable and TV station, and prohibit owning both newspaper
and TV station. The corporations applied considerable pressure on
the FCC through campaign contributions, paid junkets, and intense
lobbying of FCC members, to loosen these rules, including rules
related to ownership of radio stations, which, as was noted in Module
9, has also seen an increased concentration by owners such as Clear
Channel Corporation. |
For more information on newspaper ownership, the PBS program,
NOW
with Bill Moyers, has been covering this issue in many of its
programs.
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Click here for a list of which
owners own what media. |
In the Education Media Foundation video, Rich
Media, Poor Democracy, Robert McChesney examines the ways
in which journalism has been compromised by a focus on sensationalism
and lack of investigative reporting by the conglomerates such as
Disney, Sony, Viacom, News Corp, and Time Warner.
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And, in another Education Media Foundation video, The
Myth of the Liberal Media: The Propaganda Model of News,
Noam Chomsky and Edward Herman present their “propoganda model”
of the news related to attempts by corporate and conservative interests
to propogate their own ideological perspectives in news content
and coverage. |
In their book
Manufacturing Consent, they define this model as functioning
to filter the news in certain ways:
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A propaganda model focuses on this inequality of
wealth and power and its multilevel effects on mass-media interests
and choices. It traces the routes by which money and power are able
to filter out the news fit to print, marginalize dissent, and allow
the government and dominant private interests to get their messages
across to the public. The essential ingredients of our propaganda
model, or set of news “filters,” fall under the following
headings: (1) the size, concentrated ownership, owner wealth, and
profit orientation of the dominant mass-media firms; (2) advertising
as the primary income source of the mass media; (3) the reliance
of the media on information provided by government, business, and
“experts” funded and approved by these primary sources
and agents of power; (4) “flak” as a means of disciplining
the media; and (5) “anticommunism” as a national religion
and control mechanism. These elements interact with and reinforce
one another. The raw material of news must pass through successive
filters, leaving only the cleansed residue fit to print. They fix
the premises of discourse and interpretation, and the definition
of what is newsworthy in the first place, and they explain the basis
and operations of what amount to propaganda campaigns. |
The elite domination of the media and marginalization
of dissidents that results from the operation of these filters occurs
so naturally that media news people, frequently operating with complete
integrity and goodwill, are able to convince themselves that they
choose and interpret the news “objectively” and on the
basis of professional news values. Within the limits of the filter
constraints they often are objective; the constraints are so powerful,
and are built into the system in such a fundamental way, that alternative
bases of news choices are hardly imaginable. |
| Noam
Chomsky essay: What Makes Mainstream Media Mainstream
The
Noam Chomsky Archive
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Another factor influencing the increasingly conservative ideological
focus of news editorial orienatation, particularly on op-ed pages
is the rise in influence of conservative think-tanks shaping news.
As documented by Trudy Lieberman, in Slanting the Story: The
Forces That Shape the News (New Press, 2000), conservative
think tanks and organizations exist, such as the: |
The
Heritage Foundation
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The
American Enterprise Institute
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The
Manhattan Institute
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The
Hoover Institution
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The
Fordham Foundation
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The
Cato Institute
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The
National Taxpayers Institute
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The
Center for Education Reform
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Center
of the American Experiment (Minnesota)
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Minnesota
Taxpayers League
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Minnesota
Education League
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There are also “liberal” think tanks, although, as
Lieberman documents, they have lost the clout and influence they
enjoyed in the 1970s: |
The
Brookings Institute
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Center
for National Policy
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National
Democratic Institute
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As Lieberman documents, these think tanks and organizations have
acquired public relations and promotional skills at framing issues
for the media in conservative terms. They consistently provide newspapers
and policy makers with material and research, often in the form
of “research reports” or “surveys” that
give the appearance of being nonpartisan and “scholarly.”
The also provide newspapers with op-ed essays, as well as spokespersons
and “experts” who can be reached for comments or quotes
in news articles. Conservative critics of the Profile also cited
“failing” “report card” reports issued by
The Fordham Foundation, a conservative education organization, that
argues for the need for more traditional “content” standards
that could be measured with tests, leading to increased “accountability.”
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Lieberman notes that these think tanks and organizations are
successful because they formulate definite, unambiguous messages
which they then repeat, particularly regarding the “failures”
of “liberal” causes, as well as the “liberal”
media. (For a critique of the idea that the media are “too
liberal,” see Eric Altermann, What
Liberal Media?: The Truth about Bias and the News, Basic Books).
Through this repetition, they can frame issues in their own terms.
As a result, legislators have been able to pass various policies
consistent with a more conservative agenda. |
These think tanks and organizations received support from corporations
to lobby for their interests, corporations who would prefer not
to known as directly lobbying for their own benefits. They are largely
funded by corporations who prefer that groups other than themselves
promote their agendas. For example, when the Clinton health care
model was proposed in 1993, the Heritage Foundation launched a major
campaign to discredit the plan through providing newspapers with
editorials and through television ads. Much of the funding for this
work emanated from the insurance and pharmaceutical corporations
who would be adversely affected by a national health insurance plan. |
Lieberman cites the example of an attack on the Federal Drug
Administration which succeeding in loosening FDA regulation of drug
advertising and testing of new drugs. Various think-tanks began
to circulate stories to the media about drugs being “withheld”
from the market by FDA delays and regulations, drugs that would
save people’s lives, but were not available due to “deadly
overcaution.” They also criticized the FDA for its “bureaucratic
delay” in testing drug safety. And, they posited the need
to cut back on labeling of supplements, an emerging business. They
provided newspapers with “reports” on drugs and health
issues that cited their own “polls” of “doctors”
who complained the that FDA approval process was too slow. All of
this had a major influence on public opinion regarding the FDA,
which was perceived to be preventing useful drugs from coming onto
the market. |
They also had a major hand in writing a bill in Congress that
loosed FDA regulations, “The FDA Modernization and Accountability
Act of 1997,” that passed Congress. After the bill went into
effect, the FDA had to recall five different drugs that were prematurely
approved and turned out to be dangerous. There was a marked increase
in drug advertising, particularly on television, a 150% increase
from 1997 to 2001, in which there was 2.7 billion in drug advertising,
some of which had previously had not been allowed to air on television.
The advertising itself was often misleading, now that restrictions
had been lifted. This resulted in patients telling doctors that
they “need” new drugs and an increase in drug sales.
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In the Educational Media Foundation video, Constructing
Public Opinion: How Politicians and the Media Misrepresent the Public,
Justin Lewis describes the ways in which the media use polling data
to not simply reflect public opinion, but to also shape and construct
public opinion in ways that are consistent with the agendas of power
elites and the corporations that own the media.
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The
Center for Media and Democracy’s PRWatch site
analyzes government and political public relations campaigns.
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Media ownership and intellectual property.
Another important issue related to news and media ownership has
to do with the ways publishing corporations limit distribution of
content through copyright laws. While copyright is an important
legal protection, at the same time, copyright law can be used to
limit distribution and authors’ right to circulate that information.
These issues are discussed in a free online book copy of Lawrence
Lessing’s Free
Culture: How Big Media Uses Technology and the Law to Lock Down
Culture and Control Creativity (Penguin Press). |
Freedom of the press. Another primary issue
has to do with the declining freedom of the press due to government
attempts to control, limit, or censor news. A global survey of freedom
of the press in 193 countries conducted in 2003 by Freedom House,
"Freedom
of the Press 2004: A Global Survey of Media Independence,"
found that freedom of the press declined throughout the world. The
study indicated that 73 were rated “free,” 49 “partly
free,” and 71 “not free.”
Some of these declines were related to a decline in democratic governments
in countries such a Bolivia, Russia, and even Italy, in which Prime
Minister Silvio Berlusconi owns Italy's three largest private television
stations. The worst offenders were Burma, Cuba, Libya, North Korea
and Turkmenistan.
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