CI5472 Teaching Film, Television, and Media

 Module 10: Studying the News ~ Newspaper or Print News

Module 10

Newspaper Ownership

Another major trend in newspapers is the increased concentration of newspaper ownership by corporate conglomerates. For example, the largest owner, The Gannett Company owns 110 daily newspapers and 21 television stations. The second largest owner, Knight-Ridder Digital, owns 31 daily newspapers as well as 83 local and regional Web sites in 62 cities, including 20 of the top 30 U.S. markets. In 2002, ten companies owned newspapers with a distribution of more than half of all readers (Staubhaar & LaRose, 2004).

One danger in this increased concentration of ownership is the decline of any competition for news within local markets. With the drop in the number of different newspapers in a particular local area, there is less demand on newspapers to have to compete. Moreover, as newspapers and television stations own each other, they may combine their operations, as is the case with the newspaper and television station in Tampa, Florida. All of the results in a decline in the number and nature of alternative cultural and political perspectives, as local owners are more beholden to absent corporate owners to avoid controversy that might jeopardize profits.

This increased concentration is a result of the further deregulation of ownership rules passed under the 1996 Communications Act by Congress, as well as efforts by the FCC in 2003 to further relax the number of newspapers and stations that could be owned by the same owner. The current rules prevent one network from owning another network, limit the number of stations owned by one owner, prohibit owning both a local cable and TV station, and prohibit owning both newspaper and TV station. The corporations applied considerable pressure on the FCC through campaign contributions, paid junkets, and intense lobbying of FCC members, to loosen these rules, including rules related to ownership of radio stations, which, as was noted in Module 9, has also seen an increased concentration by owners such as Clear Channel Corporation.

For more information on newspaper ownership, the PBS program, NOW with Bill Moyers, has been covering this issue in many of its programs.

Click here for a list of which owners own what media.

In the Education Media Foundation video, Rich Media, Poor Democracy, Robert McChesney examines the ways in which journalism has been compromised by a focus on sensationalism and lack of investigative reporting by the conglomerates such as Disney, Sony, Viacom, News Corp, and Time Warner.

And, in another Education Media Foundation video, The Myth of the Liberal Media: The Propaganda Model of News, Noam Chomsky and Edward Herman present their “propoganda model” of the news related to attempts by corporate and conservative interests to propogate their own ideological perspectives in news content and coverage.

In their book Manufacturing Consent, they define this model as functioning to filter the news in certain ways:

A propaganda model focuses on this inequality of wealth and power and its multilevel effects on mass-media interests and choices. It traces the routes by which money and power are able to filter out the news fit to print, marginalize dissent, and allow the government and dominant private interests to get their messages across to the public. The essential ingredients of our propaganda model, or set of news “filters,” fall under the following headings: (1) the size, concentrated ownership, owner wealth, and profit orientation of the dominant mass-media firms; (2) advertising as the primary income source of the mass media; (3) the reliance of the media on information provided by government, business, and “experts” funded and approved by these primary sources and agents of power; (4) “flak” as a means of disciplining the media; and (5) “anticommunism” as a national religion and control mechanism. These elements interact with and reinforce one another. The raw material of news must pass through successive filters, leaving only the cleansed residue fit to print. They fix the premises of discourse and interpretation, and the definition of what is newsworthy in the first place, and they explain the basis and operations of what amount to propaganda campaigns.

The elite domination of the media and marginalization of dissidents that results from the operation of these filters occurs so naturally that media news people, frequently operating with complete integrity and goodwill, are able to convince themselves that they choose and interpret the news “objectively” and on the basis of professional news values. Within the limits of the filter constraints they often are objective; the constraints are so powerful, and are built into the system in such a fundamental way, that alternative bases of news choices are hardly imaginable.

Noam Chomsky essay: What Makes Mainstream Media Mainstream

The Noam Chomsky Archive

Another factor influencing the increasingly conservative ideological focus of news editorial orienatation, particularly on op-ed pages is the rise in influence of conservative think-tanks shaping news. As documented by Trudy Lieberman, in Slanting the Story: The Forces That Shape the News (New Press, 2000), conservative think tanks and organizations exist, such as the:

The Heritage Foundation

The American Enterprise Institute

The Manhattan Institute

The Hoover Institution

The Fordham Foundation

The Cato Institute

The National Taxpayers Institute

The Center for Education Reform

Center of the American Experiment (Minnesota)

Minnesota Taxpayers League

Minnesota Education League

There are also “liberal” think tanks, although, as Lieberman documents, they have lost the clout and influence they enjoyed in the 1970s:

The Brookings Institute

Center for National Policy

National Democratic Institute

As Lieberman documents, these think tanks and organizations have acquired public relations and promotional skills at framing issues for the media in conservative terms. They consistently provide newspapers and policy makers with material and research, often in the form of “research reports” or “surveys” that give the appearance of being nonpartisan and “scholarly.” The also provide newspapers with op-ed essays, as well as spokespersons and “experts” who can be reached for comments or quotes in news articles. Conservative critics of the Profile also cited “failing” “report card” reports issued by The Fordham Foundation, a conservative education organization, that argues for the need for more traditional “content” standards that could be measured with tests, leading to increased “accountability.”

Lieberman notes that these think tanks and organizations are successful because they formulate definite, unambiguous messages which they then repeat, particularly regarding the “failures” of “liberal” causes, as well as the “liberal” media. (For a critique of the idea that the media are “too liberal,” see Eric Altermann, What Liberal Media?: The Truth about Bias and the News, Basic Books). Through this repetition, they can frame issues in their own terms. As a result, legislators have been able to pass various policies consistent with a more conservative agenda.

These think tanks and organizations received support from corporations to lobby for their interests, corporations who would prefer not to known as directly lobbying for their own benefits. They are largely funded by corporations who prefer that groups other than themselves promote their agendas. For example, when the Clinton health care model was proposed in 1993, the Heritage Foundation launched a major campaign to discredit the plan through providing newspapers with editorials and through television ads. Much of the funding for this work emanated from the insurance and pharmaceutical corporations who would be adversely affected by a national health insurance plan.

Lieberman cites the example of an attack on the Federal Drug Administration which succeeding in loosening FDA regulation of drug advertising and testing of new drugs. Various think-tanks began to circulate stories to the media about drugs being “withheld” from the market by FDA delays and regulations, drugs that would save people’s lives, but were not available due to “deadly overcaution.” They also criticized the FDA for its “bureaucratic delay” in testing drug safety. And, they posited the need to cut back on labeling of supplements, an emerging business. They provided newspapers with “reports” on drugs and health issues that cited their own “polls” of “doctors” who complained the that FDA approval process was too slow. All of this had a major influence on public opinion regarding the FDA, which was perceived to be preventing useful drugs from coming onto the market.

They also had a major hand in writing a bill in Congress that loosed FDA regulations, “The FDA Modernization and Accountability Act of 1997,” that passed Congress. After the bill went into effect, the FDA had to recall five different drugs that were prematurely approved and turned out to be dangerous. There was a marked increase in drug advertising, particularly on television, a 150% increase from 1997 to 2001, in which there was 2.7 billion in drug advertising, some of which had previously had not been allowed to air on television. The advertising itself was often misleading, now that restrictions had been lifted. This resulted in patients telling doctors that they “need” new drugs and an increase in drug sales.

In the Educational Media Foundation video, Constructing Public Opinion: How Politicians and the Media Misrepresent the Public, Justin Lewis describes the ways in which the media use polling data to not simply reflect public opinion, but to also shape and construct public opinion in ways that are consistent with the agendas of power elites and the corporations that own the media.

The Center for Media and Democracy’s PRWatch site
analyzes government and political public relations campaigns.

Media ownership and intellectual property. Another important issue related to news and media ownership has to do with the ways publishing corporations limit distribution of content through copyright laws. While copyright is an important legal protection, at the same time, copyright law can be used to limit distribution and authors’ right to circulate that information. These issues are discussed in a free online book copy of Lawrence Lessing’s Free Culture: How Big Media Uses Technology and the Law to Lock Down Culture and Control Creativity (Penguin Press).

Freedom of the press. Another primary issue has to do with the declining freedom of the press due to government attempts to control, limit, or censor news. A global survey of freedom of the press in 193 countries conducted in 2003 by Freedom House, "Freedom of the Press 2004: A Global Survey of Media Independence," found that freedom of the press declined throughout the world. The study indicated that 73 were rated “free,” 49 “partly free,” and 71 “not free.”
Some of these declines were related to a decline in democratic governments in countries such a Bolivia, Russia, and even Italy, in which Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi owns Italy's three largest private television stations. The worst offenders were Burma, Cuba, Libya, North Korea and Turkmenistan.

Newspaper or Print News

Teaching the News Itself

Analysis of Newspaper Sections and Functions

Differences in Types and Uses of News

On-line News

Web-based Political Lobbying

Weblogs

The Web and Politics

Editorial Perspectives

Newspaper Ownership

News Bias

A Teacher Teaches about Bias

Studying and Producing Classroom / School Newspapers

Television and Radio News

Characteristics of Television News

Selecting News Stories

Accuracy / Completeness of News Coverage

Television News Development

On-line Television News

Sports Coverage

Coverage of Political Issues and Campaigns

Creating a Television News Broadcast

Teaching Activity: Analysis of a Local News Broadcast

References


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