MANDATE FOR THE SAFEGUARDS GROUP
(This statement of purpose was drafted
by James Park in the middle of
2006.
It was revised and posted on the
Internet in October 2006.
And it will be revised as needed
to include other things that the
Safeguards Group is actually doing.
Revised November 24, 2006; January 3, 2007; May 26, 2007; August 22,
2007; February 12, 2010)
SUMMARY:
This Safeguards Group
is
an electronic discussion
group.
All advocates of the right-to-die are
invited to join.
This includes thinkers from anywhere in the world.
If this electronic discussion proves
meaningful, others will join later.
We would examine the pros and cons
of each safeguard proposed for any state
law in the USA
regarding the right-to-die
or any law used or proposed for any
other country.
This Safeguards Group
will not attempt to create safeguards
for
right-to-die laws that should apply in every state.
The
Supreme Court likes to refer to the "laboratory of the states",
where
different laws will be enacted and tested
in the
diverse states that make up these United States.
The
Supreme Court did not find a right-to-die in the Constitution.
But it
also did not find a prohibition
of the right-to-die.
Thus,
the
individual states of the USA have the power to create
their own
state laws regarding the right-to-die.
And other countries of the world
also have the power to create
their own laws concerning the right-to-die.
Anyone who drafts a new law
can include whatever safeguards seem meaningful and useful.
A few decades into the 21st century,
the
diverse states of the USA might converge on similar safeguards
so that
uniform state laws might emerge eventually.
But this
will only be possible
if some
states go ahead to enact right-to-die laws
which are
then tried in those
states
—
in
their hospitals, hospices, & homes.
After a
few actual court cases have been tried under new laws,
we all
will know how well the specific safeguards
embodied in those laws have worked in practice.
This is a SAFEGUARDS GROUP
rather
than a LEGISLATION GROUP
because I
believe that safeguards are the core of our problems
in getting
the right-to-die accepted by the public
and
legislation passed by state legislatures, etc.
This does not mean that we cannot discuss other
parts of proposed
laws,
but I
think we should focus on the SAFEGUARDS first.
Let's see
what right-to-die advocates are thinking all across the USA.
And what
do right-to-die advocates in other countries
think about any proposed safeguards?
BACKGROUND
OF THE NEED FOR BETTER SAFEGUARDS
Right-to-die legislation has recently been defeated
in the
following states: California, Michigan, Maine, Wyoming, Vermont,
& Hawaii.
Earlier
defeats were experienced in Washington state (1991) and
California (1992).
In the
United Kingdom, the Parliament has repeatedly turned down
proposed
legislation to empower the right-to-die:
1936,
1950, 1969, 1985, 1991, & 1994.
Why has this happened when the majority of people
now seem
to favor the right-to-die in some form?
The answer is simple (and complex): Not Enough
Votes.
And there were not enough votes because a few people in the middle
ultimately
voted against
liberalizing the laws.
Hypothesis: These swing votes among legislators
everywhere
could have
been swung the other way
if there
had been better
safeguards in the proposed laws.
If this hypothesis is substantially correct,
we are
going to have to propose more
and better safeguards
in order
to win at least some
of the people in the middle.
We might not be entirely pleased with the
safeguards.
But we
should create safeguards that we can at least tolerate.
If we create the
safeguards ourselves,
we are
likely to create ways of preventing premature deaths
that are
more workable
than if we
left it to the opposition
to create safeguards.
We know
that there are people who are
unalterable
opposed to any form of the right-to-die.
(Perhaps
they make up 20-30% of any given population.)
And the
'safeguards' they propose are more likely to look like
roadblocks.
The
die-hard opponents of the right-to-die
want to
make it nearly impossible to choose death.
To extend this analogy,
safeguards
are like the guard-rails
at the sides of mountain roads
that
prevent cars from falling off.
The
guard-rails make every trip along that road safer.
But a road-block prevents any car
from proceeding along that road.
Opponents
of the right-to-die want to stop
all chosen deaths,
no matter
how wise, helpful, rational, well-planned,
&
admirable some deaths might be.
A road-block prevents anyone from choosing that pathway towards death.
Those who erect road-blocks believe
that the road is too dangerous for anyone to travel.
But if there are good guard-rails,
some of those worriers will be won over
to the view that the
mountain road can be traveled safely.
(Some of the same people keep proposing 'safeguards'
for abortion,
which are
really intended to 'save' as many fetuses as possible.
Their 'safeguards' are more like road-blocks than guard-rails.
At the
other end of the political spectrum,
people who
oppose nuclear power propose 'safeguards'
that would
ultimate cause all nuclear power plants to shut down.
Such 'safeguards' are also more like road-blocks than guard-rails.)
What we need are reasonable
and workable
safeguards
that can
be accepted by the majority of people who must vote
on any
proposed changes in law regarding the right-to-die.
Therefore, whatever legislation we propose,
we must
include stronger
safeguards than in the past.
Otherwise
the proposed legislation
will be
defeated by opponents of the right-to-die
when they
raise doubts about the likely (or unlikely) abuses and
mistakes
that might
take place under the new laws with weak safeguards.
RESEARCH
QUESTIONS THAT MIGHT BE DISCUSSED
BY OUR
SAFEGUARDS GROUP
What specific safeguards were proposed in the
legislative attempts
now failed?
What could
make these safeguards stronger and more credible?
Safeguards
for life-ending decisions must always be both workable and
effective.
What specific fears do the opponents raise?
What
specific safeguards can we create
that will
overcome the doubts
and worries raised by the opposition?
(We cannot
hope to win over the 20% who are unalterably opposed
to the right-to-die.
But if we
can create safeguards
that do genuinely address
all rational concerns
and attempt to answer all reasonable objections
raised,
then we
can hope to win some people in the middle.)
Probably we cannot create one simple set of
safeguards.
There will
probably have to be a system of interlocking safeguards.
For
example, when the patient is no longer conscious and capable,
what kinds
of prior documentation of his or her wishes
should be
allowed to express his or her settled values?
Are we
content to lose our right-to-die if we get Alzheimer's disease?
There might be 30 or 40 different proposed
safeguards.
Which of
these are clearly absurd?
For
example, no one would propose that all Catholics
must get
the personal approval of the Pope
before
they can exercise their right-to-die.
At the
other extreme, no one would propose
that death
be granted instantly on demand.
How many
different, independent judgments are needed
to assure
that dying at this time and by this means is the wisest course?
How do we
keep strangers out of the loop as much as possible?
How do we
officially empower proxies
to make
life-ending decisions for the patients who appointed them?
Some safeguards might address the worries raised by
specific
groups.
For
example, we have not yet won many disabled people to our side.
They fear
that the right-to-die
will become the
duty-to-die
—applied
first to people who are disabled
because
able-bodied people cannot imagine themselves
wanting to
live with such limitations.
Perhaps in
consultation with disability groups,
we can
create workable
safeguards
designed
to prevent even the appearance
or possibility
of
disabled people from being coerced into 'choosing' death.
(I do not believe that disabled people really have
anything to fear,
but we
nevertheless need to create safeguards
that will
convince
the disabled
that the
right-to-die will not be misused against them.)
Likewise, some safeguards might address the worries
raised by
groups
which are
working to prevent
suicide.
Actually
we are also opposed to irrational suicide.
So some of
our proposed safeguards could be directed specifically
toward
preventing
misuse of the philosophy and methods
of the
right-to-die movement to commit irrational suicide.
[Here is an essay distinguishing the familiar
concept of irrational
suicide
from
the
new concept of voluntary death:
"Four
Differences between Irrational Suicide and Voluntary Death":
http://www.tc.umn.edu/~parkx032/CY-IS-VD.html ]
People who have followed public and legislative
debate
about the
specific safeguards proposed for legislation which has
now failed
can remind
us (in our Safeguards Group)
just what
the opposition said about each of the proposed safeguards.
How could
the proposed safeguards have been improved
so as to
meet at least the most valid of the worries of the opposition?
Here is a beginning list of the worries of the
opposition,
each linked to the safeguards
most likely to prevent those possible abuses and mistakes:
"A
CATALOG OF
WORRIES, PROBLEMS, DANGERS, PERILS, ABUSES, & MISTAKES
POSSIBLE UNDER ANY SYSTEM PERMITTING CHOSEN DEATH":
http://www.tc.umn.edu/~parkx032/SG-ABUSE.html
Right-to-die advocates who were deeply involved in state
debates
should
give our Safeguards Group detailed information
about what
the opposition said in their states.
What distortions of our position were common in
media advertising?
Can we
create safeguards that cannot
be distorted by the
opposition?
Legislators
are usually reasonable people.
They are
not easily misled by the rhetoric of one side or the other.
But the
exact words of the proposed legislation
must seem
reasonable and workable to the legislators
who will
vote for or against any proposed law.
As you can see from this beginning list of issues,
our
Safeguards Group will have lots of themes to discuss.
And
because safeguards must ultimately be put into English words
in laws,
this
electronic discussion group should be a good way to examine
any
proposed safeguards word-by-word, sentence-by-sentence.
And even before any specific safeguard is embodied
in a state law,
it can be tried by any program designed to help patients at the end of
life.
Which safeguards are useful even in hospice-like settings,
where more passive means of choosing death are common?
As our Safeguards Group begins to operate
and as new
people join our discussion,
we will
probably expand our mandate as outlined here.
What
additional issues should this Safeguards Group discuss?